Lawrence Lau

Interview Date: 
6/3/2010
Bio: 
<p><strong>Lawrence J. Lau</strong> was born on China's mainland in 1944, is Vice-Chancellor of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. He received his primary and secondary schooling in Hong Kong. He furthered his studies in the United States, graduating with a BS in Physics and Economics from Stanford University in 1964, and receiving his MA and Ph.D. degrees in Economics from the University of California at Berkeley in 1966 and 1969 respectively. He joined the faculty of the Department of Economics at Stanford University in 1966, becoming professor of Economics in 1976 and the first Kwoh-Ting Li Professor of Economic Development at Stanford University in 1992. Professor Lau specializes in economic development, economic growth, and the economies of East Asia, including that of China. He developed in 1966 one of the first econometric models of China, which he has continued to revise and update ever since. He has authored or edited five books and published more than 160 articles and notes in professional journals. He is also an international adviser to China's National Bureau of Statistics.</p>
Title : 
Vice-Chancellor, Chinese University of Hong Kong
Field: 
Academics
Region: 
China
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Wang Zhengang

Interview Date: 
8/14/2009
Bio: 
<p>Wang Zhengang is the former vice chairman of the Dandong Municipal Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. He is now the chairman of Dandong Poetry Society. Wang was born in 1944 in Donggang City, Liaojing Province.</p>
Title : 
Vice Chairman, CPPCC, Dandong City
Field: 
Government
Region: 
China
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Zhou Tianyong

Interview Date: 
01/14/2010
Bio: 
<p><strong>Zhou Tianyong</strong>, born in 1958 in Min He County in Qinghai province, is the vice director of Research at the Party School of the Communist Party of China's Central Committee (CPCCC). He is a professor of Economics at the Beijing University of Technology and also an expert pricing consultant for the National Development and Reform Commission.&nbsp;</p> <p>Zhou studied investment banking at Dongbei University of Finance, graduating in 1984. He remained at the university, beginning PhD studies in 1989, under the supervision of Professor Wang Xiangchun. Since completing his doctorate in 1992, Zhou has been working and conducting research at the Party School of the CPCCC since 1994. He specializes in and has published numerous articles on Socialist economic theories, macroeconomics, economic development and growth, labor economics, financial risk, and urban and rural economies.</p>
Title : 
Vice Director for Research, Party School of the Communist Party of China
Field: 
Academics
Region: 
China
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Yao Yang

Interview Date: 
06/12/2009
Bio: 
<p>&nbsp;<span class="Apple-style-span"><strong>Yao Yang</strong>&nbsp;is a professor of Economics at the China Center for Economic Research (CCER) and at the National School of Development (NSD), Peking University. He currently serves as the Deputy Director of CCER and Deputy Dean of NSD in charge of academic affairs, and the editor of the center&rsquo;s house journal, China Economic Quarterly. His research interests include economic transition and development in China.&nbsp;He has published widely in international and domestic journals in addition to authoring books on institutional economics and economic development in China.</span></p> <p> <meta charset="utf-8" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p>
Title : 
Professor, China Center for Economic Research, Beijing University
Field: 
Academics
Region: 
China
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Yan'an

Latitude: 
36.6
Longitude: 
109.483333

For 800 Million People, It Was a Huge Bang

Expert Name: 
Time Period: 
Capitalism in the Countryside
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http://media.asiasociety.org/video/chinaboom/DD-For800Million.mp4
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When people say there was no big bang in China I don't know what they mean. For 800 million people, it was a huge bang.

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<p>I don't have all the figures in my head but, of course, people are factory owners and shop owners, China is a private economy. In fact, it has a higher level of private ownership than most European countries, it's not that much lower than the United States, rather, quite comparable. So, yes. It's a capitalist China. And they got there, I wouldn't say gradually, but over time. It happened in different places and in different dimensions, let's say. But, the changes were extremely radical. In 1983, they walk away from the communes. I mean, that's unbelievable! The end. No more commune, no more brigade, no more team. You're on your own. I'm actually dumbfounded when people say, &quot;There was no big bang in China.&quot; I don't know what they mean. For 800 million people, it was a huge bang and, nationally, it only took two years. And, in certain communities, it was six weeks. The commune's there, the commune's gone. Now, every single household is going to contract to the state for their grain. Instantly, eight hundred million tenant farmers. Wow, that's huge! And that's why I emphasize this self-reliance, as well as strong family, that was the foundation on which this growth is built. They didn't lose a harvest. Immediately, productivity was higher. Until the economic reform changes in urban China, in '86, the urban-rural [income] gap was falling. The people in the countryside were quick to figure out how capitalism was going to work for them. So, I think that was a huge bang and we see it. And then, of course, there were other bangs, but that one was the most dramatic.</p>
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Deborah Davis talks about China's rapid transition from a communal, socialist society to a largely capitalist, private ownership-based society.

China's Intellectuals Aim for Social Justice

Expert Name: 
Time Period: 
Winners and Losers
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http://media.asiasociety.org/video/chinaboom/VY-ChinasIntellectuals.mp4
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it's very hard to win enough public support to really have a revolutionary change of the system.

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<p>We did an interesting comparison among intellectual opinion, business leader opinion and general public opinion. Among general public opinion, the big difference is between the young generation -- the single-kid [post-one child policy] generation -- the older generation, and the middle-aged generation. The interesting thing is that the intellectual opinion is further from the public opinion. For example, for the intellectual opinion, there is more negative attitude towards the government, much less trust for officials, and more criticism of policy. Many times, they want a kind of Westernized democracy. But the general public opinion is relatively more pro-government. Even with their criticism or the dissatisfaction with government performance, what they really want is for the government to improve their work. So, it's kind of a suggestion, or a requirement within the acceptance of the system itself, at first. The business group's overall feeling toward the system and toward the environment is, compared to the intellectual opinion, close to [that of] the general public. And, for example, when we talk about social stability, the intellectuals are very suspect of what kind of social stability we have. If we don't have freedom of speech, if we don't have human rights, social stability, itself, is not good. We should revise social stability at first, then we should build a new social order. So, that's basically saying that if the current social order is not just, we should revise it first. So then, we will achieve a high-quality, fair, just social order. That's not social stability, but social justice. So, that's a typical intellectual opinion. But it seems that, so far, the general public and business leaders don't want that kind of revision. In that sense, they are closer to the official standpoint. Many people say the Communist Party would easily form a partnership with the capitalists, whether in Hong Kong, Taiwan, or, also, in China. If the business group achieves success and they have sizeable assets, they really fear social disorder. They want to keep society stable. So, in that sense, the rich would easily develop an alignment with the government. But, the general public, the old and middle-aged, still have the historical experience of the Cultural Revolution, so that's why they don't want that. The younger generation is not really scared of that [revolution], but they don't care. What they really care [about] is &quot;my life quality.&quot; So, it's more like an individual oriented philosophy. So, if we put these two together, it's very hard to win enough public support to really have a revolutionary change of the system. We don't have that of social foundation, especially from the point of view of public sentiment.</p>
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Victor Yuan talks about the difference in governmental opinion between the general public, business leaders, and intellectual leaders. He also talks about how this dynamic affects social stability.

Entrepreneurship Was a Key to China's Boom

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Time Period: 
To Get Rich is Glorious
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http://media.asiasociety.org/video/chinaboom/VY-Entrepreneurship.mp4
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In China, to be rich is the only way you can achieve social status.

Thread: 
The Party
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<p>Many of my friends, 20 years ago, were very ordinary officials working for the government, or just workers, or even just farmers. But, now, they [have] become the richest people in China. So, why can we see all these ordinary people getting rich very quickly? Sometimes, this also puzzles me. But, sometimes, we can see clearly, because, in China, to be rich is the only way you can achieve social status.&nbsp;Many people ask me how China has achieved its economic record of the past 30 years. I think the single [most] important reason is that the door open and reformation policy has given the opportunity for entrepreneurship. Any person, no matter what kind of job they had before, can start their own business. In China, the only way you can have your maximum development is business area. I think, today, when we look at the Chinese model and it basically is very successful business development. Because, for that reason, in this area, it's like achieving the limitation, the level, that is much farther beyond the other countries, even those that started at the same time. Because, in that country, you have many other way to develop yourself. But, here, the only way you can do it [is through entrepreneurship]. In that sense, I would say China's boom is single-dimensional.</p>
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Victor Yuan talks about the importance of entrepreneurship in China's economic boom.

Victor Yuan

Interview Date: 
03/02/2010
Bio: 
<p>Victor Yuan is chairman of the board, founder, and president of Horizon Research Consultancy Group, the leading polling firm on government policy issues in China, which he founded in 1992. Mr. Yuan has had 20 years of experience in professional marketing, social research and policy analysis, and management consulting. He has published more than 400 research pieces across various fields.&nbsp;</p> <p>Among other prestigious posts, Mr. Yuan is Vice President of the China Marketing Research Association and President of the Beijing Consulting Association. He has been the anchor of Shanghai-based business TV show &ldquo;Brainstorming&rdquo; for two years. The show was recently rated the No. 1 Chinese language business TV talk show in Asia by a Singaporean-based Asian TV Festival.&nbsp;Mr. Yuan also has served as a long-term and strategic consultant for renowned multinational and domestic media and corporations both in China and abroad.&nbsp;</p> <p>Mr. Yuan holds a Ph.D. in sociology from Peking University and an MPA from the&nbsp;John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University.&nbsp;</p>
Title : 
Chairman, Horizon Research Consultancy Group
Field: 
Academics
Region: 
China
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Hong Kong IPOs

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Time Period: 
Structural Transformation of the Economic Sphere
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http://media.asiasociety.org/video/chinaboom/FL-HongKong.mp4
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The Chinese government has learned to be more market-oriented.

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<p>The number of Chinese companies based on Hong Kong were limited. I was looking at the bigger market, and really the domestic market. So how to get the Chinese company to come to Hong Kong and issue shares in Hong Kong was really a big exercise. At that time, the stock exchange was chaired by Mr. Charles Lee. Mr. Charles Lee is a good friend of mine. Actually, he&rsquo;s a lawyer, but he&rsquo;s very well known in Hong Kong and has contributed a lot to the development of the stock market here. 0:28:44. And he actually visited the Chinese government and visited Vice Premier Zhu Rongji around 1991, 1992, and suggested to Zhu Rongji that China should allow its local companies to go to overseas markets, to issue shares in the overseas markets, and raise capital from the overseas market. And he suggested that the companies should come to Hong Kong. And Zhu Rongji thought that was a good idea and accepted his proposal and then, the Chinese government selected a first group of nine candidates to allow them to experiment, to assess the international market, using domestic incorporated companies versus the Red Chips. So, the first one [domestic company] came to Hong Kong in the middle of 1992. That was after the listing, the IPO of Haihong I mentioned earlier. Haihong actually, Haihong&rsquo;s IPO happened in March 1992, whereas the first listing of Chinese incorporated companies in Hong Kong was in June 1992. And we called this class of shares H-shares. H represents Hong Kong, it&rsquo;s the alphabet, you know, H, Hong Kong.</p> <p>So that is the first experience. Originally, when Chinese companies came to Hong Kong, they needed to get government approval. Actually, the government selected the candidates. The selection process was not determined by the market. It was not dictated by the investment bank as to which companies would appeal to investors. The selection process was dictated by the Chinese government. So, whoever had the political connections, whoever could go to Beijing and lobby the relevant authorities and get their approval, or whichever company needed the capital, went to Beijing and got the approval. And the Chinese government just published a list of candidates and the investment banks just call on their doors and try to get the mandate. But then, gradually, the Chinese government found out that this process, this non-market selection process did not work, because sometimes they selected companies which may not appeal to the market, or because the market tastes had changed. So, some companies they had selected may never be able to go to the market because of the change in market tastes. So, gradually, the Chinese government abandoned this selection process and just said that, &quot;OK. Whoever is ready can go Beijing to seek approval.&quot; So, this IPO process is more market-oriented. The bigger boom actually started around 1997. Actually, the successful listing experience of Chinese companies has expedited the corporate transformation, or the corporate restructuring in China. Originally, when you look at the first batches of H-shares (shares listed in Hong Kong), many of them were individual companies, or were regional companies. However, when the Chinese government saw the success of the capitalist experience, they wanted to use the stock market to expedite the corporate restructuring in China. And, actually, that was one of the reasons why Zhu Rongji wanted to experiment [with] capitalism using the stock market. Because he wanted to use the stock market to improve corporate governance, to improve the quality of management, to improve transparency, to improve accountability. That was very successful, actually. Very successful.</p>
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Francis Leung describes China's experience with listing domestic companies on the Hong Kong stock exchange and talks about the government's motives in allowing foreign IPOs.

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